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You need to answer the promt using the reading and the class reading only . Yo n

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You need to answer the promt using the reading and the class reading only . Yo need to read all of them . No shorcuts please. In what specific ways do HIV-prevention or treatment technologies manifest elements of healthism? Draw on specific examples from the readings and be sure to explain both the elements you see and how, in particular, the example manifests those aspects of sexual healthism. (You may want to reskim Epstein and Mamo or read some of the Discussion posts from last week to refresh your memory).
Hoppe, Trevor. (2013). From sickness to badness: The criminalization of HIV in Michigan
Download From sickness to badness: The criminalization of HIV in Michigan
. Social Science & Medicine, 101, 139-147.
Note: I included this article because it shows how medicalization and criminalization can intersect in important ways in policies and laws that were ostensibly written with the goal of public health in mind (though even that is debatable). The laws, whatever their intentions have been far outpaced by scientific advancements on reducing HIV-risk. I think this is a good place to start the reading because it’s a fun read that also serves as a great example of empirical research in the policy realm, which we haven’t focused on that much in this course. Those interested in this topic for a paper might dig deeper into ongoing efforts to change state level laws that criminalize HIV. For those who are clinicians, you might consider checking out the suggested Mykhalovskiy paper on how HIV-non-disclosure laws interrupt the provision of good health care to patients who may be wary of disclosing their HIV status because they fear prosecution by inhibiting a provider from asking about status or documenting HIV status for fear of creating a paper trail.
Race, Kane. (2001). The undetectable crisis: Changing technologies of risk
Download The undetectable crisis: Changing technologies of risk
. Sexualities, 4(2), 167-189.
Note: How does this article embody many of the same notions of sexual healthism detailed by Epstein and present in the articles from last week? Although this article is now 20 years old, does that make it any less relevant for considering how sexuality is mediated by technology and medicine/public health? I also included it because it provides a nice historical arch on how HIV/AIDS has been framed, and the “effects” of various attempts to contain it on sexual subjectivity.
Young, Ingrid, Flowers, Paul, & McDaid, Lisa. (2016). Can a pill prevent HIV? Negotiating the biomedicalisation of HIV prevention
Download Can a pill prevent HIV? Negotiating the biomedicalisation of HIV prevention
. Sociology of Health & Illness, 38(3), 411-425
.Epstein, S., & Mamo, L. (2017). The proliferation of sexual health: Diverse social problems and the legitimation of sexuality.
Download The proliferation of sexual health: Diverse social problems and the legitimation of sexuality.
Social Science & Medicine, 188, 176-190.
Note: This article covers a lot of ground regarding the proliferation of the term “sexual health” and what “work” that phrase does. Pay attention to subareas of sexual health that may interest you. In addition, note how many authors you have read (in this course or in sexual theory/intersectionality) show up in this paper including Foucault, Vance, Armstrong, Rubin, Bowleg, and Herdt among others).
Exaple of previous Discussion Post.
Epstein (2010) highlights the attempts made by gay health advocates to change medical practice and stigmatization of HPV, or the human papillomavirus. Since anal cancer has been linked to HPV, and HPV is now recognized as the most common sexually transmitted infection, the vaccine Gardasil to become an issue of sexual health. There has even been discussion of including anal Pap smears as an anal cancer prevention technique for men who have sex with men. Although these men would benefit from the HPV vaccine, they are not likely to receive it due to lack of education and medical stigma. The HPV disease becomes stigmatized as a gay man problem due in part because of the stereotype about unprotected sex between gay men, and because gay health advocates have attempted to bring attention to this issue in order to prevent health problems. Much like HIV and AIDs, there are many misconceptions about HPV because it is transmitted sexually (Epstein, 2010). The HPV vaccine becomes sexualized as only necessary for those who are most at-risk for anal cancer or cervical cancer. Although American men have an 80% risk of getting the HPV infection, it is not talked about in reference to all sexual orientations. However, it started to become a more widely respected vaccine when oral sex was linked to HPV. Cancers associated with HPV, in men, include oral cancers, penile cancer, and anal squamous cell carcinoma. These cases of cancers associated with HPV are close in number to the cases of cervical cancer that occur in women. This means that HPV is not just an infection that only impacts women or gay men (Epstein, 2010).
Mamo et al. (2010) take a different look at the HPV vaccine and the marketing techniques that were used. Instead of focusing on sexuality, they focused on gender. Gardasil portrayed cervical cancer as a disease of innocence and did not put women into categories of “at-risk” or not. Their analysis of Gardasil marketing through a biomedicalization lens allowed them to shed light on the shift in health care discourse and procedures, as well as the impact on biases and bodies. Girls became the first audience for Gardasil and marketing focused on mothers being held morally responsible for protecting their daughters from the risk of cervical cancer. By focusing the vaccination campaigns on preadolescent girls, Gardasil attempted to sidestep any suggestions about their forthcoming sexualities. Gardasil marketing made cervical cancer prevention and intervention a female issue solely, without discussing any possible need for sexual education and protection or how other genders might also be impacted by HPV (Mamo et al., 2010).
Public health in the US is managed from a capitalism perspective, with pharmaceutical companies making decisions about who needs important health care such as vaccines. If it were looked at through a multidisciplinary lens, STI risks, treatments, and preventions would be public discourse regardless of gender and sexuality (Mamo et al., 2010). These different ways of viewing sexual health are problematic because it does not provide comprehensive sexual health education. When sexual health issues are examined only as an issue for people of one sexual orientation or one gender, an important opportunity is lost to educate everyone. Furthermore, other sexual health concerns are ignored, such as penile cancer and oral cancers associated with HPV, because they do not fit the narrative of HPV leading to anal cancer in gay men or cervical cancer in girls.

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